Letter of the Patriarch John to the Amir `Umayr ibn Sa`d al-Ansari of the Mhaggraye (643)

The Letter of Mar Yuhannon [John](2), the Patriarch, concerning the discussion which he had with the Amir(3) of the Mhaggraye (643)

Because we know that you are anxious and worried about us, due to the matter for which we have been called to this area(4),  with our Father, Master, the Patriarch, the blessed and venerable, we inform you for your love that on the 9th of May of this month, on holy Sunday, we approached the glorious Commander, the Amir.

I) The blessed Patriarch, the Father of the community, was questioned by him: "Whether the Gospel is one, and whether it is the same, without differences, which all Christians in the world hold to?"  The blessed one answered that it is one and the same among the Greeks, the Romans, the Syrians, the Copts, the Cushites, the Indians, the Armenians, the Persians, and the rest of all peoples and tongues.

II) Again he asked, "Since the Gospel is one, why is the faith different?"  The Blessed one responded, "Just as the Torah is one and the same and it is accepted by us Christians and by you Mhaggraye, and by the Jews and by the Samaritans, and each is distinct in belief; likewise concerning faith in the Gospel, each heretical group understands and interprets it differently, and not like us [the Orthodox].

III) Again he asked, "whom do you say Christ is? Is he God or not?"  And our Father answered, "He is God; and the Word, who was born from God the Father, who is eternal and without beginning.  At the end of time, for the salvation of mankind, He became flesh and was inhominated from the Holy Spirit and from the holy Virgin Mary, the mother of God, and became man."

IV) And the glorious Amir asked him this: "When Christ was in the womb of Mary, the one you say is God, who was carrying and ruling the Heaven and earth?"  Our blessed father argued with him concerning the question: "When God came down to Mount Sinai and spoke with Moses for forty days and forty nights(5),  who was carrying and ruling the Heaven and earth; as long as you claim that you accept Moses and his books."(6)   The Amir said, "He is God and He rules the Heaven and earth."  Immediately, he heard this from our Father: "Likewise Christ [who is] God when he was in the womb of the virgin, he was carrying and ruling the Heaven and earth, and everything which is in them as Almighty God."

V) Again the glorious Amir asked, "What kind of belief and faith did Abraham and Moses hold?"  Our blessed Father answered, "It is the belief and faith of Christians that they held: Abraham, Isaac, Jacob, Moses, Aaron, the rest of the prophets, all the just and righteous ones."(7)

The Amir said, "Why did they not write clearly and make it known concerning Christ?"  Our blessed father replied, "As sharers of the mysteries and intimate ones they knew it, but [because of] the infancy and innocence of the people at the time, who were inclined to worship many gods [polytheism] and cling to them, to such an extent that they regarded wood, stones and many other things as gods, they made idols, they worshipped them and sacrificed to them.  [For this reason] the holy ones did not want to give the erroneous ones a pretext that they might depart from the Living God and follow error, but prudently proclaimed the truth: "Hear, Israel, the Lord God is One Lord"(8)  for they truly knew that there is only One God, and one Godhead, that of the Father, the Son and the Holy Spirit. Thus they spoke and wrote symbolically concerning God that He is One in divinity and three hypostases and persons; there neither is nor do we confess three gods or three deities; there are neither gods nor deities; for the Godhead of the Father, the Son and the Holy Spirit is One, as we have said, and from the Father is the Son and the Holy Spirit.  If you want, I am ready and prepared to confirm this from the holy Books."

VI) Again, when the Amir heard all of these, he requested only "if Christ is God, and was born from Mary, and if there is a Son for God, let that be proved literally and from the Torah."  The blessed one said that not only Moses, but also all of the holy prophets previously prophesied and wrote this concerning the Christ: One [of the prophets] had written concerning His birth from a virgin(9),  another that He would be born in Bethlehem(10),  another concerning His baptism; all of them, so to say, [wrote] concerning His saving passion(11),  His vivifying death, and His glorious resurrection from the dead after three days(12).  He [the blessed one] brought evidences, and began to confirm this from all of the prophets, and from Moses, according to their writings.

VII) The glorious Amir did not accept these [proofs] from the prophets, instead, he demanded  proof from Moses that Christ is God(13).   The blessed one, therefore, cited Moses in many things (verses), e.g., that "the Lord let fire and sulfur come down from the Lord on Sodom and on Gomorrah."(14)   The glorious Amir demanded that this be shown in the book.  Immediately, our father showed it in the complete Greek and Syriac texts(15).

At the same place, there were some Mhaggraye with us, and they attentively saw the passages and the glorious Name of the Lords, and the Lord(16).  The Amir called a Jew, who was there, and he was considered by them to be knowledgeable in the Scriptures, and asked him if it was literally so in the Torah; and he answered, "I do not know exactly."(17)

VIII) At this point the Amir moved to ask him concerning the laws of the Christians: "what and how are they, and whether they are written in the Gospel or not?"   Again [he asked], "if a man die and leave behind boys or girls and a wife and a mother and a sister and a cousin, how would his possessions be divided among them?"  Then our holy father said that the Gospel is divine, it instructs heavenly teaching and commands vivifying commandments; it despises all sin and wickedness, and it teaches virtue and righteousness.  Many other related issues were brought up.

There were people assembled there, not only the nobles of the Mhaggraye, but also the leaders and the rulers of the cities and the believing peoples, the lovers of Christ, the Tanukhaye, the Tu`aye and the `Aqulaye(18).

IX) And the glorious Amir said, "I ask you [Plural] to do one of three things: either show me your laws written in the Gospel and conduct yourselves accordingly, or follow [or submit to] the law of theMhaggraye.  Then our Father replied that we Christians have laws, which are just and right, and we follow [submit to] the teaching and the commandments of the Gospel and the rules of the Apostles and the laws of the Church. In this manner the assembly of the first day was dismissed.  And we have not yet been interviewed again by him. [The Amir] had also called on some of the Chalcedonian leaders. All who were present, the Orthodox and the Chalcedonians, prayed for the life and preservation of the blessed Patriarch; they prayed and magnified God who had abundantly given the word of truth in his mouth, and filled him with His power and grace, according to His unbroken true promises as He says: "They will bring you before the kings and the governors on account of Me, but do not become anxious about how or what you will speak, for it will be given you in that hour what you are to speak, for it is not you who speak, but the Spirit of your Father speaks in you."(19) Now, we have informed you these are brief things out of numerous things which were brought into being at that hour, that we have informed you; so that you pray for us zealously and continuously, without ceasing, and so that you entreat the Lord, that He in His compassion may visit His Church and His people, and that he [the Patriarch] may make an exit from such trial [lit. deed], as it pleases His Will, [and He may] assist His Church and comfort His people. Also those, the followers of the council of Chalcedon, as we've mentioned above, prayed for the blessed Patriarch. For he had made an apology on behalf of all Christian communities, and he had not caused them any harm. Continuously they used to send for him, and ask his blessedness to speak thus for all [Christian] communities, and he may not bring anything against them. For they knew their weakness and the dimension of the danger, and the expected fear, if the Lord does not visit His Church in accordance with His compassion. Pray for the glorious Amir, that God may grant him wisdom and enlightenment for that which pleases the Lord, and help [the Church].  And [pray for] the blessed Patriarch, and the bishops with him: Abbas Mar Thomas, Mar Severus, Mar Sargis, Mar Aytilaha and Mar Yuhannan and all of their holy synod, and the leaders and the believers who are assembled with us here, particularly, our beloved and wise principal protected by Christ, Mar Andrew.  And we, the humble ones in the Lord, we request your peace and holy prayers at all times.

The identity of the Amir as `Umayr ibn Sa`d al-Ansari has been attested to by most modern scholars(39).   He was the governor of Homs and Damascus during the reign of the second Caliph `Ummar Ibn al-Khatab (d. 644).  Patriarch Yuhannan, on the other hand, was the Syrian Orthodox Patriarch from 631 until 648 A.D.(40)   Now, the historicity of both the Patriarch and `Umayr have been confirmed, and the simultaneous dates of their reigns make their meeting possible.  Additionally, the letter refers to five bishops who accompanied the Patriarch to this meeting.  Three of these bishops (Thomas, Severus, and Sargis) have been historically confirmed through the writings of Michael the Syrian, and the Anonymous, who includes their names among the delegation of the Syrian Patriarch Athanasius al-Jammal (Yuhannan's predecessor) to the meeting with the emperor Heraclius in 630 A.D.(41)   Such additional historical figures, proven by different sources, gives further support to the historicity of the event and its approximate date. Now that the date of the meeting has been determined, the date of writing the letter is called into question.  It is obvious that the Letter is not a transcript of the dialogue since it is in the form of a letter, and in the Syriac language.  As a result, the date of the writing must be sometime after the conclusion of the meeting.  The process of dating, however, could be deduced from the content of the Letter itself.  Based on the date of the meeting, which the Letter reports as "Sunday, the 9th of May," and before the death of the Patriarch in 648, the date should not be later than 644 where it is possible in the calendar for the 9th of May to be a Sunday.  The significance of the date of the Letter, at any rate, is ultimately the historicity of its content. The Letter was addressed to an "anxious and worried" congregation about the Amir's summon the Patriarch.  The addresser, therefore, would not have waited too long to respond to the congregation.  Had the letter been written long after the event, the congregation would no longer have been "anxious and worried". The Letter also describes the fear of the Chalcedonians, and their prayer with the non-Chalcedonians for the safety and success of the Patriarch.  This description confirms the vulnerability of the Chalcedonians in the mid-seventh century because of their ecclesiastical affiliation with the Byzantine. Further evidence for a specific date can be found in the discussion between the Amir and the Patriarch itself. Both the Patriarch and the Amir refer to the Old Testament, to the prophets, and to logic as a source for their argument, but neither mentions the Quran.  The Amir resorts to the "Laws of Mhaggraye," and asks his hearers to "submit to the laws of Mhaggraye" (tashlelmun le-nomuso da-Mhaggraye)  but he makes no reference to the book of the Quran.  Moreover, the Patriarch, in his response to the fifth question, contrasts the Quranic understanding of Abraham, but neither the Amir nor any of his Mhaggraye companions raised any objection. Furthermore, the Patriarch he quotes Deuteronomy 6:4 "the Lord God is One God," which is similar to the Shahada, namely, "there is no god but God" (S. 37:35), but he never refers to the Quran nor to its existence.  Additionally, in the meeting place there were the Books of Old and New Testament in Syriac and Greek, but there was no reference to the presence of the Quran.  Finally, the absence of any reference to the Quran, and frequent contrasting reference to the Quran without comments from the Mhaggraye support understanding of the simplicity of the religious tenets of Mhaggraye at the time, and that the Quran had not yet been edited.  Now, the absence of any material Quran would date the Letter either prior to the reign of Uthman ibn `Afan (d. 656), in accordance with the traditional date of the collection of the Quran, or the late seventh century according to some modern scholars.

Furthermore, in the discussion, the Amir and his "noble Mhaggraye" show more familiarity with Jewish tradition and much less with the Christian.  Moreover, the letter indicates that the Mhaggraye accepted the Torah (the five books of Moses) as an authoritative book(42).   This familiarity with Jewish tradition confirms the Arabs' early religious experience in Arabia, which they carried with them to Syria(43).  Such simplicity of religious thoughts, which was reflected in the Letter, along with the absence of the book of the Quran, confirms its early date.  Therefore, such religious experience cannot be dated to later than the middle of the seventh century.

The exclusive use of the appellation "Mhaggraye," for the conquerors adds additional evidence for the date.  For the Arab conquerors claim to be "Mhaggraye," i.e., immigrants and not merely conquerors, thereby implying their intention to settle.  Although the Syriac writers used this name often even in later periods, the letter does not mention other titles employed in subsequent periods, such as "Mashelmane  = Moslems), or believers(44). 1933) 195.  At any rate, the absence of the title Moslems, and the presence of the early title "Mhaggraye" adds further evidence to the early date of the Letter(45).   This date, the evidence suggests, should be no later than the middle of the seventh century.

Conclusion
 The Letter corresponds to what is known about the historical and religious circumstances of the mid-seventh century.  In addition, all argument in support of a late date of the Letter proved to be insufficient.  However, there are sound reasons for dating the Letter to the mid-seventh century. For example, the historicity of all the figures mentioned in the Letter has been confirmed: Patriarch Yuhannon of Sedreh was the Patriarch of Antioch for the Syrian Orthodox Church between 631 and 648; the Amir of Mhaggraye has been identified as `Umayr ibn Sa`d al-Ansari, who was appointed by the second Caliph `Umarr ibn al-Khattab, as a chief of the Jund in Syria, probably in Homs. The Letter demonstrates the Christian understanding of nascent Islam.  According to the Letter, the faith of Mhaggraye is monotheistic. In addition, they accept the Torah as a holy book in the same way as do the Christians, Jews and Samaritans. However, the Mhaggraye had their own Law, which, as far as the Letter reveals, governs some aspects of social life. Ultimately that the Letter makes no reference to Quran, Muhammad, or Islam, which indicates persuasively the nascent nature of this new religion.  The Letter, therefore, characterizes the beliefs of Mhaggraye, which would lay the foundation for what later becomes known as Islamic faith.

Foot Notes: 
(1)  Mhaggraye was the name by which the Arab conquerors identified themselves.  Their reason for that, according to some scholars, is because of their descendants of Hagar, Abraham's wife (Gen. 16: 1-3).  However, the most recent article by P. Crone, "The First-Century concept of Higra," Arabica: Journal of Arabic and Islamic Studies 3 (1994) 352-87, argues for the meaning of immigrants, the way the Arab conquerors understood their move from Arabia as immigration.  Few Syriac writers, including St. Ephrem, called the Arab "the sons of Hagar" (B'nai Hagar: ???????? ), Des Heiligen Ephraem Des Syrers Sermones III (CSCO, Vol. 320, Scriptores Syri Vol. 138; ed. E. Beck; Louvain: Secretariat Du CorpusSCO, 1972) esp. 61; Mhaggraye, (??????),  however, had a different connotation. 
(2)   He is the Syrian Orthodox Patriarch (d. 648), he was called also "John of Hymns," (Yuhannon d-Sedreh).  See Ignatius Ephrem Barsaum, al-lulu al-Manthur or History of Syrian Sciences and Literature (7th ed.; Aleppo: 1987) 279 - 80; Jouko Martikainen, Johannes I. Sedra: Einleitung Syrische Texte, Ubersetzung und vollstandiges Worterverzeichnis (Gottinger Orientforschungen, 34; Wiesbaden: 1991) 1-10. 
(3)   `Umayr Ibn Saad al-Ansari was the governor of Bilad al-Sham along with Mu`awya.  Both governors were appointed by `UMor b.-al-Khattab.  `Umayr b. Sa`ad was among the earliest or the earliest governor to show interest in exploring the Christian faith. 
(4)   The area is identified as Homs in Syria. 
(5)  Exodus 24:18; Cf. Quran Surah 2:48; 7:138. 
(6)  There is no reference to the Quran, but rather to the Torah.  Michael the Syrian wrote: "Muhammad attached himself to the faith of the Jews, because it pleased him." .   See Michael the Syrian, Chronique de Michel Le Syrien ed. J.-B. Chabot  IV (Paris: Cultrue et Civilisation, 1963) 405;  See also  The Anonymous Chronicle 819 A.D. ed. Chabot CSCO Syri ser III, 14 (Paris: 1920) 227 - 8; Theodore Bar Koni (d. 792) sees them as "believing as the Jews." Addai Scher, Theodorus Bar Koni Liber Scholiorum (CSCO, Vols. 55 and 69; Paris: 1910 and 1912) 235. 
(7)  The Patriarch contrasts the Quranic understanding of Abarahm, which reads:  "Abraham was neither Jew nor Christian, but Hanif, a Muslim, not one of the polytheists" (S. 3:67; Cf. 1:135/129, 140/134). 
(8)  Deut. 6:4. 
(9)  Ias. 7:14. 
(10)  Mic. 5:2. 
(11)  Isa. 53:5. 
(12)  Hos. 6:2. 
(13)  The Samaritans and other Jewish groups at the time did not consider the books of the prophets as a part of the Scripture, but only the five books of Moses (Samaritans), and others considered the Psalms in addition.  In the Quranic tradition, likewise, there was no mention of any book to the prophets except those of Moses. 
(14)  Gen 19:24.  The Syriac Version reads: 
(15)  This is an indication that there was no Arabic Version for the Bible at hand. 
(16)  Gen 19:24; otherwise Cf. Gen 19:18. 
(17)  The Hebrew Bible and according to the Masoretic text agrees word for word with the Syriac and Greek text.  Hebrew Bible reads: : and the Lord rained … from the Lord from heavens. 
(18)  These are the names of the three Christian Arab tribes, the followers of the Syrian Orthodox Church.  For their conversion and practice, see F. Nau, "Histoires d’Ahoudemmeh et de Marouta," Patrologia Orientalis, III (1909) esp. 24;  Michael the Syrian, Chronicle, IV, 429-30; Bar Hebraeus, Chronicon Ecclesiasticum ed. and tr. J. B. Abbeloos, and T. J. Lamy (Paris: 1874) II, 123. 
(19)  Mt. 10:18-20; however, the quotation does not match with the Peshitta. 
(20)  Chronique de Michel Le Syrien ( 4 Vols., ed J.-B. Chabot; Paris: Culture et Civilisation, 1899, 1905, 1963) IV, (text) 421-422; II (tr.) 431-432. 
(21)  Michael might confused this `Amru bar Sa`d with the Umayyad Caliph `Ummar Ibn `Abdul-`Aziz (d. 720).  Otherwise, it might be an allusion to the “Pact of `Ummar” or “`Ummar Conditions,” which issued by the tenth Caliph al-Mutawwakel (d. 861) and attributed them `Ummar al-Khatab (d. 644).   See J. Fiey, Chrétiens syriaques sous les Abbasies surtout à Bagdad (749-1258) (CSCO 420, Subs. 59; Löwen: 1980). 
(22)  Bar Hebraeus, Chronicon Ecclesiasticum (Vol. 1; J. B. Abbeloos & T. Lamy; Paris: 1877) 275. 
(23)  Chronicon Anonymum ad annum Domini 819 (ed. J. Chabot; CSCO, Syri Ser. III, 14; Paris: 1920). 
(24)  W. Wright, Catalogue of Syriac Manuscripts in the British Museum (Vol. 2; London: 1870) 604; the document is under the sign MS Add. 17, 193, within the collection of 125 miscellaneous documents. 
(25)  F. Nau, "Un Colloque du Patriarche Jean avec l' Emir des Agareens," Journal Asiatique 11th series 5 (1915) 225-79. 
(26)  H. Lammens, "A Propos d'un colloque entre le patriarche Jean Ier et `Amr Ibn al-`Asi," Journal Asiatique 11.13 (1919) 97-110. 
(27)  I. Ephrem I Barsaum, al-Lulu al-Manthur [in Arabic] (First edition, 1943; 5th ed., Aleppo: Syriac patrimony, 1987) 279. 
(28)  N. A. Newman, The Early Christian-Muslim Dialogue (Pennsylvania: Interdisciplinary Biblical Research Institute, 
(29)  One among several of Newman's mistranslations is "the laws of the Muslims" instead of "the laws of the Mhaggraye." See Newman, 27. 
(30)  Jouko Martikainen, Johannes I. Sedra: Einleitung Syrische Texte, Ubersetzung und vollstandiges Worterverzeichnis (Gottinger 
(31)  P. Crone and M. Cook, Hagarism: the Making of the Islamic World (Cambridge/ London/ New York, Melbourne: Cambridge University Press, 1977) 8, 11, 162. 
(32)  P. Crone, "The First-Century Concept of Higra," Arabica 3 (1994) 352-387. 
(33)  Iso`Yahb III, Liber Epistularum (ed. and tr. R. Duval; CSCO, syri 11) 251 tr. 182; concerning John Bar Penkaye see A. Mingana, Sources Syriaques (Vol. 1; Leizig: 1908) 146 (text), 175 (tr.). 
(34)  Fred Donner, “From Believers to Muslim: Confessional Self Identity in the Early Islamic Community,” Byzantine and Early Islamic Near East: Pattern of Communal Identity (ed. L. Conrad; Vol. 4; New Jersey: Darwn, 1999), (forthcoming) 
(35)  Reference to the text of the Letter, paragraph II. 
(36)  G. J. Reinink, "The Beginning of Syriac Apologetic Literature in Response to Islam," Oriens Christianus 77 (1993) 165 - 87. 
(37)  Reinink, 178, 180. 
(38)  S. Griffith, "Disputes with the Muslims in Syriac Christian Texts: From Patriarch John (d. 648) to Bar Hebraeus (d. 1286)," Religionsgsprache in Mittelalter (ed. B. Lewis and F. Niewohner: Wiesbaden: Otto Harrassowitz, 1992)251-273. 
(39)  Cook and Crone, Hagarism, 162; A. Palmer, S. Brock, and R. Hoyland, The Seventh Century in the West-Syrian Chronicles (Liverpool: Liverpool University Press, 1993) 169. See also Tarikh al-Tabari, I, 2646, 2798. 
(40)  Martikainen, 1; Barsaum, 279. 
(41)  Chronique de Michel Le Syrien, IV, 409 (text), II, 412 (tr.); Chronicon Anonymum, 238, 14-17 (text), 186, 32-35 (tr.). 
(42)  Cf. note 10. 
(43)  Yuhannon bar Penekey (7th cent) refers to the religious orientation of the Mhaggraye as "..they adhered to the teaching (of Muhammad), the worship of One God in accordance with the ancient (Jewish) Laws."  See Mingana, Sources Syriaques (Leipzig: Harrassowitz, 1908) 146 (text), 175 (tr.).  See also the comments of Michael the Syrian in note 8. 
(44)  The earliest appearance of the term Mashelmane in Syriac with the meaning of Moslem was in the year 775, in Chronicon Pseudo-Dionysianum (ed. J.-B. Chabot; CSCO, Syri, 34; Louvain: 1933) 195. 
(45)  The first appearance of the term of Muslims, although not definitely as a title, was in the late seventh century (961) in the Dome of the Rock.  Cf. Hagarism, 8.